The indivisible integrity of the Republic of Türkiye is under threat, with various foreign-backed terrorist organizations, as well as political and religious factions, actively working to undermine it. To prevent a public backlash, a concerted effort is being made to condition the Turkish youth into viewing these critical societal disruptions as mere ordinary events. Unfortunately, this systematic erosion of our national unity and solidarity is gaining ground at an alarming pace.

This trajectory is the result of a long-term process that began years ago when certain religious networks subtly infiltrated key state mechanisms, eventually escalating to the point where they seized operational control. These looming dangers were repeatedly highlighted during both their planning and execution phases, and were documented in meticulous detail by several authors. Today, we see a different manifestation of this exact same strategy playing out through the violent campaigns of terrorist groups in our southeastern provinces.

The sudden rise of figures with virtually no public track record in recent years may seem like a curious anomaly, but it is actually a deliberate component of these broader designs. A new crop of journalists, politicians, and business figures are thrust into the spotlight by echoing specific narratives, advancing through the ranks of their respective institutions with extraordinary speed. In the span of a single decade, we have watched ordinary journalists become media moguls, minor bureaucrats become party leaders, and local imams ascend to the posts of district and provincial governors. Meanwhile, the prominent journalists, politicians, and artists of ten years ago have been completely scrubbed from our screens, sidelined by political bans.

As these shifts took place, a parallel campaign was launched to desensitize the Turkish public and youth. Today, the political landscape is deeply fractured into two unyielding camps: the government and its supporters on one side, and the opposition on the other. Those against the government routinely dismiss every policy without any objective analysis, while government loyalists offer unconditional praise for every action. This intense polarization is being masterfully exploited. New parties and associations masquerading as opposition groups are established specifically to fracture the dissenting vote, ultimately serving the interests of the ruling elite. These entities cynically hijack concepts that resonate deeply with the public, such as Ataturk, religion, revolution, socialism, equality, and human rights, using them as mere political instruments. Tragically, the Turkish public falls into these traps far too easily.

Mainstream opposition parties have also been hollowed out and neutralized through internal subversion. The Turkish Armed Forces, along with key political figures, were systematically weakened and discredited through fabricated legal campaigns like the Ergenekon and Balyoz trials. Opposition movements were destabilized through profoundly unethical methods. Protesting citizens and student groups were silenced through aggressive intimidation, while charitable and educational associations were raided, their leaders detained for days on end. Student leaders at universities faced suspension and expulsion. Legal proceedings reached such an absurd scale that even newborn infants were technically summoned to court. Furthermore, agitators infiltrated into mass public rallies orchestrated violent acts to make it appear as though the unrest originated from ordinary citizens. Bombs were detonated on the busiest thoroughfares of major cities, costing the lives of hundreds of innocent citizens and leaving thousands of casualties in their wake.

As an ordinary citizen witnessing this profound transformation in the country, social media serves as a vital platform to share observations, insights, and perspectives, ensuring these writings reach a much broader audience.

BERK SIMSEK
28.03.2016

WHO IS BERK ŞİMŞEK?

Some people who have recently come to know me immediately label me as a racist or a fascist upon hearing my views. I am neither a racist nor a fascist. I am a nationalist. What I advocate for is the independence of this country, the values of the Republic, and the reforms of Ataturk. At one time, this stance was referred to as Kemalist, and that is exactly what we call it today. I also consider myself a follower of the Kuva-yi Milliye, the National Forces. In other words, I am a nationalist and a defender of the National Forces, a Kemalist standing on that historic line. I am a guardian of Ataturk's reforms and a sentinel of the Republic. I am a Turkish youth with a free mind, free thoughts, and a free conscience.

Ataturk and his comrades-in-arms founded this country by fighting against imperialism. When the Republic was newly established, various rebellions broke out. Every single orchestrator of those uprisings was a pawn of imperialism. The goal was to weaken, divide, and tear down the young Republic. Whatever transpired back then, we are witnessing a similar version of it today. For years, the PKK has been massacring the military, police, teachers, and civilians of this nation. Its ultimate objective is to seize territory from Türkiye and shatter the Republic. This is what I stand against. Anyone who points a weapon at the Republic is an enemy of this country.

However, there is a critical distinction I want to underline here. The PKK and our Kurdish citizens are not the same thing. I have never blamed an entire people, nor will I ever do so. In this country, Kurdish citizens have become Prime Ministers, members of parliament, mayors, and even Presidents. No one objects to this. This is because the core issue is not ethnic identity; the issue is your perspective on the Republic and the integrity of the nation. For anyone who takes up arms and wages war against this country, it is their actions, not their identity, that define them. If they are Kurdish, I stand against them; if they belong to any other ethnic background or sect, I still stand against them. My position on this matter is absolute.

The real problem is that certain entities deliberately portray the PKK and the Kurdish people as identical. By doing so, they can label anyone opposing the PKK as an enemy of the Kurds. This is a perception game. They are simultaneously shielding the terrorist organization and fracturing society. Yet the truth is quite the opposite. The PKK has inflicted the greatest harm precisely upon the Kurdish citizens of this country. It has dragged the region into conflict, ruined people's lives, and sent young people to their deaths.

What I advocate for is simple: protecting the Republic, the flag, and the independence of the nation. Just as the state took a firm stance against past rebellions aimed at partitioning this country, the same resolve must be maintained today. This is not ethnic hatred; it is a fundamental state reflex. If a state retreats in the face of organizations that point weapons at its own citizens, it ceases to be a state.

I wish for all citizens to unite around a common national consciousness. The true strength of the Republic lies in this unity. However, this solidarity can only be preserved through the idea of a shared homeland, not through entities that have become the pawns of imperialist projects.

As a Kemalist youth, I stand by the Republic. I believe in the necessity of defending Ataturk's reforms, independence, and national integrity. Championing these values is not racism; it is the defense of the Republic.

BERK SIMSEK
11.05.2026

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